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| [image] Administrative map of Moldova with Transnistria highlighted in yellow | |||||
| Official languages | Moldovan/Romanian, Russian and Ukrainian | ||||
| Political status | unrecognized | ||||
| Capital | Tiraspol | ||||
| President | Igor Smirnov | ||||
| Independence - Declared - Recognition | From Moldova September 2, 1990 none | ||||
| Area | 3,567 km² (2001 est.) | ||||
| Population | 555,500 (2004 census) | ||||
| Currency | Transnistrian ruble | ||||
| Time zone | UTC +2 | ||||
| Internet TLD | none | ||||
| Calling Code | 373 5xx | ||||
Transnistria (also known as Transdniestria or Trans-Dniester, though the English translation of the constitution uses Pridnestrovie) (Russian: Приднестровье, Pridn'estrov'ye; Moldovan: Република Молдовеняскэ Нистрянэ, Republica Moldovenească Nistreană short form Транснистрия, Transnistria; is referred to in one of three principal ways:
Transnistria is currently an unrecognised state; it is internationally recognised as being part of Moldova, but claims independence and maintains some sovereignty with the assistance of Russian forces. The region has been de facto independent since 1991, when it made a unilateral declaration of independence from Moldova and successfully defeated Moldovan forces, with Russian assistance, in the War of Transnistria. While a ceasefire has held ever since, the Council of Europe recognises Transnistria as a "frozen conflict" region.
The name comes from it being the area of Moldova east of the river Dniester (Nistru).
The Russian authorities contributed both militarily and politically to the creation of a separatist regime in Transdniestria. The TMR remained under the effective authority, or at the very least under the decisive influence, of Russia, and in any event that it survived by virtue of the military, economic, financial and political support that Russia gave it.
Transnistrian local authorities put obstructions to Moldovan mother-tongue education in the Latin script, insisting that any educational institutions teaching the language use the official Cyrillic alphabet instead. Arbitrary arrests of citizens, especially of pro-Moldovan and pro-Romanian political views, have likewise been reported.
See also:
The end of the 18th century marked the Russian Empire's colonization of the region, with the aim of defending what was at the time the Imperial Russian southwestern border, as a result of which large migrations were encouraged into the region, including people of Ukrainian, Russian, and German nationalities.
In 1941, after Axis forces invaded Bessarabia in the course of the Second World War, they advanced over the Dniester river. Romania annexed the entire region between Dniester and Bug rivers, including the city of Odessa. The Soviet Union regained the area in 1944 when the Soviet Army advanced into the territory driving out the Axis forces.
Most industry that was built in the Moldavian SSR was concentrated in Transnistria, while the rest of Moldova had a predominantly agricultural economy. In 1990, Transnistria accounted for 40% of Moldova's GDP and 90% of its electricity production.
The 14th Soviet army had been based there since 1956 and was kept there after the fall of the Soviet Union to safeguard what is probably the biggest weapons stockpile and ammunition depot in Europe, which was set up in Soviet times for possible operations on the Southeastern Theater in the event of World War III. Russia was negotiating with the Republic of Moldova, Transnistria and Ukraine for transit rights to be able to evacuate the military materiel back to Russia. In 1984, the 14th Army headquarters were moved from Moldovan capital Chişinău to Tiraspol.
During the last years of the 1980s, the political landscape of the USSR was changing owing to Mikhail Gorbachev's policy of Perestroika, which allowed political liberalisation at the regional level. The incomplete democratisation was preliminary for the exclusivist nationalism to become the most dynamic political force. Some national minorities opposed these changes in the Moldovan political class of the republic, since during Soviet times, local politics had often been dominated by non-Romanians, particularly by those of Russian origin. The language laws - introducing the Latin alphabet for written Moldovan - presented a particularly volatile issue as a great proportion of the non-Romanian population of the Moldavian SSR did not speak Moldovan. The problem of official languages in the Republic of Moldova has become a Gordian Knot, being exaggerated and, perhaps, intentionally politicized. This displeasure with the new policies was manifested in a more visible way in Transnistria, where urban centers such as Tiraspol, had a Slavic majority. The scenes of protests against the central government of the republic were more acute here. According to the census in 1989, the population in Transnistria was 39,9% Moldovan, 28,3% Ukrainian, 25,4% Russian, 1,9% Bulgarian.
On 2 September 1990 the Moldovan Republic of Transnistria was proclaimed. On 25 August 1991 the Supreme Council of the MRT adopted the declaration of independence of the MRT. On 27 August 1991 the Moldovan Parliament adopted the Declaration of Independence of the Republic of Moldova, whose territory included Transnistria. The Moldovan Parliament asked the Government of the USSR "to begin negotiations with the Moldovan Government in order to put an end to the illegal occupation of the Republic of Moldova and withdraw Soviet troops from Moldovan territory".
After Moldova became a member of the United Nations (2 Mar. 1992), Moldovan President Mircea Snegur (president from 1990 to 1996) authorized concerted military action against rebel forces which had been attacking loyal Moldovan police outposts on the left bank of the river Nistru, and on a smaller section of the right bank around the southern city of Tighina (Bender). The rebels, aided by contingents of Russian Cossacks and the Russian 14th Army, consolidated their control over most of the disputed area.
Forces of the 14th Army (which had owed allegiance to the USSR, CIS and the Russian Federation in turn) stationed in Transdniestria, had fought with and on behalf of the Transdniestrian separatist forces. The separatists were able to arm themselves with weapons taken from the stores of the former 14th Army. The Russian 14th Army's role in the area was crucial to the outcome of the war. The Moldovan army was in a position of inferiority which prevented it from regaining control of Transnistria. A cease-fire agreement was signed on 21 July 1992.
Even after the ceasefire agreement, Russia had continued to provide military, political and economic support to the separatist regime, thus enabling it to survive by strengthening itself and by acquiring a certain amount of autonomy vis-à-vis Moldova. General Lebed, commander of ROG since June 1992, acted as a Transdniestrian politician, said many times that his army was able to reach Bucharest in two hours. In the security zone controlled by the Russian peacekeeping forces, the MRT regime continued to deploy its troops illegally and to manufacture and sell weapons in breach of the agreement of 21 July 1992. In February 2003, the USA and EU imposed visa restrictions against the Transnistrian leadership.
OSCE is trying to facilitate a negotiated settlement and has had an observer mission in place for several years. The Russian army was still stationed in Moldovan territory in breach of the undertakings to withdraw them completely given by Russia at the OSCE summits in 1999 and 2001.
In mid-November 2003, Russia suddenly tabled a detailed Memorandum providing the most detailed proposal to date for a constitution of a united asymmetric federal Moldavian state. First published in Russian on the website of Transnistria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the text was promoted by Dmitry Kozak, a senior figure on President Putin’s staff. The Kozak memorandum represented a break with the Transnistria leadership's long-held position that Transnistria should have equal status with the rest of Moldova.
For the federal Moldova it was proposed that the competences of government be divided into three categories: those of the federation, those of the subjects and those of joint competences. The plan presented several issues risking to cause blockage in policy-making. A lower house, elected by proportional representation, would pass legislation by simple majority. All laws would also need the assent of the senate, however, whose representation would be highly disproportionate with respect to population figures: 13 senators elected by the federal lower house, 9 by Transnistria and 4 by Gagauzia. According to the 1989 census, Transnistria has 14% and Gagauzia 3.5% of Moldova’s total population. By this plan, Transdniestria would be an outright blocking minority.
Large demonstrations against the Kozak memorandum took place in Chişinău in the days following the publication of the Russian proposals. Moldova’s leadership refused the signing of this memorandum without the coordination with the European organizations. A visit by President Putin to Moldova was cancelled. Moldova and the Kozak memorandum was a key issue at the OSCE ministerial meeting in Maastricht in December 2003, and disagreement between Russia on the one hand and the EU and the US on the other on Moldova was one of the principal reasons why a final joint declaration was not adopted after the meeting.
In the summer of 2004, the Transnistrian authorities forcibly closed six schools that taught the language using the Latin script. A number of the 3,400 enrolled children were affected by this measure. Several teachers and parents who opposed the closures were arrested. During the crisis, the Moldovan government decided to create a blockade that would isolate the autonomous republic from the rest of the country. The blockade was ineffective because of a lack of cooperation from Ukraine's government. Transnistria retaliated by a series of actions meant to destabilize the economic situation in Moldova, in particular, by cutting the power supply from the power plants that were built predominantly in Transnistria in Soviet times. As a result, this crisis generated power outages in parts of Moldova.
The closed schools were reopened but they still have the status of "non-governmental educational institutions".
The 2001 presidential elections were not considered free by some analysts and observers. Critics of the past elections claim that some parties and publications were banned just before the elections, and that the results were suspicious, as in some regions it was reported that Igor Smirnov collected 103.6 percent of the votes.
The Republic of Moldova also accuses the MRT administration of organizing incursions into left-bank villages controlled by the Moldovan government such as Vasilevca, which they claim also result in arbitrary arrests, beatings and sometimes even death.
In the case of Ilaşcu and Others v. Moldova and Russia (2004), the European Court of Human Rights held unanimously that Moldova and Russia are to take all necessary measures to put an end to the arbitrary detention of Ilie Ilaşcu Group members, Andrei Ivanţoc and Tudor Petrov-Popa, still imprisoned in Transnistria. Ilie Ilaşcu was arrested, together with four other persons, at their homes in Tiraspol in early days of June 1992. They were subsequently charged with the murder of two "civil servants" and terrorist crimes against the MRT. It has been alleged that the real reason for their imprisonment was their political association or their lack of support for Transnistria.
Recently, there has been a substantial Emigration from the region due to economic hardships of the 1990s. This is one of the reasons why a disproportionately large part of the population is past the age of retirement.
Reports of visitors to Transnistria have confirmed that the average salary of a Transnistrian does not exceed $20-$40. Although the population of the republic was 555,500 in 2004, it is estimated that about 375,000 people actually reside in the region since the rest are usually working abroad.
Since partition, Transnistria has served as a haven for smugglers and traffickers in fuels, arms, and other contraband. Recently, a cache of 70 Surface-to-air missile launchers disappeared from a former Soviet stockpile and officials are unable to account for their whereabouts. The government of Ukraine, which had long been seen as assisting in this illegal trade, had recently taken steps to prevent smuggling along its border by opening new customs posts and forming internal anti-smuggling squads.
The region has a number of factories, although some only possess older technology. One is a munitions factory in Tighina (Bender) while another important steel factory exists in Rîbniţa (Rybnitsa). The factory in Rîbniţa brings about 50% of the republic's revenue and is the main provider of jobs in that city.
Another important factory is the distillery "Kvint" of Tiraspol, famous for its strong spirits, which is also shown on the 5 Transnistrian ruble banknote.
An important company in the republic is Sheriff, which is owned by president Smirnov's eldest son. Sheriff is in a virtual control of the economy, from the FC Sheriff Tiraspol football team and its newly constructed stadium to a chain of stores throughout Transnistria.